Some Thoughts from the Posting Abyss

The sneering face of unconfrontable evil?
Reading Seymour Hersh's military missives in The New Yorker has become a complicated endeavor. Surely an intrepid reporter, Hersh crafts intricate, probing stories that unearth new information and can set the agenda in foreign policy discussions thanks to his tireless mining of intelligence sources. A Hersh piece is ambitious in scope and thorough in execution--you get a vast context when receiving new information, whether it be an efficient re-telling of Iran Contra or an exposition regarding Balkan politics.
You may not get a full picture, though. Increasingly, his articles are a vigilant liberal's fetish fodder, an endless procession of alarming realized fears, appalling contraventions of constitutional order, and shameful moral equivocations. And as important as it is to forever hold this administration accountable for its manifold and enduring crimes, errors, and deceptions, at a certain point, the political alarmism and conjecture regarding international intrigue becomes tedious and disappointing because it is always delivered through a shroud. Few sources are named, many assertions taken as fact are just opinion (though often well informed), and the articles can come off as containing a little too much vitriol. Again, that's not to say that they are wrongly intentioned or factually inaccurate--the dude gets a lot of stuff right, and now more than ever, we need a circumspect press corps--but they can skew a reader's perceptions.
And perhaps worse, they contribute to the emerging sense--either actual or dictated by agenda-setting media--that the lone Democratic idea in circulation is opposition. This is something that gets hammered home when you hop across the ideological aisle and read election coverage in The Economist. Written with an arm's-length, economics perspective, The Economist has routinely painted the Democratic gains in the House and Senate as potentially worrisome political repudiations, rightly punishing misguided wartime and social policies but potential imperiling globalization and free trade, replacing everything with a resolute general antipathy. To only read The Economist would leave an audience assured that though President Bush has screwed up, and though troubling commodities issues threaten the American economy and energy supply, they and everything else aren't likely to improve now that the party of politically maladroit John Kerry has assumed control with its bankruptcy of innovation.
This is something for Democrats to ponder, because it is not enough to simply not be Bush. And at some point, there has to be more to the story than alarmism from unnamed sources.
- One side note: In Hersh's latest story, he writes:
...Gates was a member of the Iraq Study Group—headed by former Secretary of State James Baker and Lee Hamilton, a former Democratic congressman—which has been charged with examining new approaches to Iraq, and he has publicly urged for more than a year that the U.S. begin direct talks with Iran. President Bush’s decision to turn to Gates was a sign of the White House’s “desperation,” a former high-level C.I.A. official, who worked with the White House after September 11th, told me. Cheney’s relationship with Rumsfeld was among the closest inside the Administration, and Gates’s nomination was seen by some Republicans as a clear signal that the Vice-President’s influence in the White House could be challenged. The only reason Gates would take the job, after turning down an earlier offer to serve as the new Director of National Intelligence, the former high-level C.I.A. official said, was that “the President’s father, Brent Scowcroft, and James Baker”—former aides of the first President Bush—“piled on, and the President finally had to accept adult supervision.”Yo hold on--turn the beat off: WHY IS EVERYONE SO FUCKING SCARED OF DICK CHENEY? (Aside from the fact that he will shoot his friends in the face.) Seriously, why is everyone terrified of some aging white dude with a bad heart? Is he so mean in meetings? Does he roll his eyes when opponents talk? Does he pass nasty notes? Sleep with their boyfriends? I don't get this!
Critical decisions will be made in the next few months, the former C.I.A. official said. “Bush has followed Cheney’s advice for six years, and the story line will be: ‘Will he continue to choose Cheney over his father?’ We’ll know soon.” (The White House and the Pentagon declined to respond to detailed requests for comment about this article, other than to say that there were unspecified inaccuracies.)
A retired four-star general who worked closely with the first Bush Administration told me that the Gates nomination means that Scowcroft, Baker, the elder Bush, and his son “are saying that winning the election in 2008 is more important than the individual. The issue for them is how to preserve the Republican agenda. The Old Guard wants to isolate Cheney and give their girl, Condoleezza Rice”—the Secretary of State—“a chance to perform.” The combination of Scowcroft, Baker, and the senior Bush working together is, the general added, “tough enough to take on Cheney. One guy can’t do it.”
...Once Gates is installed at the Pentagon, he will have to contend with Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, the Rumsfeld legacy—and Dick Cheney. A former senior Bush Administration official, who has also worked with Gates, told me that Gates was well aware of the difficulties of his new job. He added that Gates would not simply endorse the Administration’s policies and say, “with a flag waving, ‘Go, go’ ”—especially at the cost of his own reputation. “He does not want to see thirty-five years of government service go out the window,” the former official said. However, on the question of whether Gates would actively stand up to Cheney, the former official said, after a pause, “I don’t know.”
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